The article examines the Vatican’s diplomatic activity in the Eurasian and Asian regions, encompassing Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Mongolia. This growing engagement reflects the Catholic Church’s reorientation toward the Global South and coincides with the broader struggle for influence in that region amid the slow and gradual decentralization of the world order. The success of globalist forces in this struggle could slow the ongoing transition toward multipolarity. A key component of the Vatican’s policy in Asia is its promotion of neo-environmentalism, which draws on the notion of “integral ecology” and the ideal of a “Christian left-green state”, as well as on the perception of the planet as “a single living organism”. This approach is a form of liberal, occult and esoteric neo-globalism. At the same time, the Vatican continues to expand cultural dialogue and partnerships with countries on the world’s periphery. Analysis of the Vatican’s Asian strategy reveals the intersection of two counter processes: the politicization of religion and the religious transformation of politics. The Vatican’s initiatives are fully embedded in the dynamics of global politics, where globalist actors increasingly speak “on behalf of” the periphery. A successful reorientation toward the periphery, the article argues, would enable the West to mobilize part of the Global South’s political resources to maintain control over Europe and to confront Russia (and possibly China). In this global context, Catholic proselytism continues to operate, as in earlier periods, as an instrument of “soft power”, advancing Westernization and the diffusion of European values.

This article analyzes the Vatican’s foreign policy in Central Asia between 2022 and 2025. The region of Central Asia is viewed as part of the Global South, where the Roman Catholic Church maintains some of its strongest institutional positions. The author advances the hypothesis that, during the period of Pope Francis’s active diplomacy, the Vatican sought to establish global ideological authority in the region. In this context, authority is understood in the specific theological sense of the Latin term auctoritas. Central Asia is interpreted as a projection of the Global South, reflecting its internal diversity. Разговор о дипломатии The discussion of Vatican diplomacy focuses on two key ideas that have shaped its political agenda: ecumenism and integral ecology. Although both concepts have faced criticism from conservative circles, they have nonetheless defined the character of the diplomacy conducted by one of the oldest and most influential transnational actors in world politics. With respect to Central Asia, the Vatican’s engagement has been largely limited to these two ideas and to the practice of evangelization. The article concludes that during Pope Francis’s pontificate, the Vatican acquired the necessary conditions to become, in the near future, one of the centers of influence in the region. By promoting a left-liberal ecological ideology in Central Asia, the Holy See encountered post-communist societies for whom this agenda proved not entirely incompatible. The author concludes that papal diplomacy under Francis, as an extension of the global expansion of left-liberal ideas, is likely to face increasing resistance from traditionalist circles within the region.

This article examines the Vatican’s growing influence in international political stage. According to the author, Since the publication of Pope Francis’s encyclical Laudato Si’ in May 2015, the Holy See has strategically employed the climate agenda to expand its presence, particularly across the Global South. The encyclical, being one of the most significant papal documents addressing the relationship between humanity and the environment, played a key role in facilitating the successful adoption of the international Paris Agreement. The Vatican has positioned itself among the foremost advocates of the global climate agenda, embracing an issue that, as a shared global challenge, can bring together individuals across religious boundaries. The article analyzes the axiological and ideological foundations of this diplomatic strategy of the global Catholic center, drawing attention to parallels between the teaching of Pope Francis in Laudato Si’ and the rhetoric of liberal planetary thought. The latter represents a constellation of contemporary philosophical and ideological ideas and beliefs that conceptualize the Earth as a self-regulating superorganism endowed with an intrinsic capacity for maintaining life in all its diversity. Within this framework, the author interprets the Vatican’s climate diplomacy as an attempt to reassert its global geopolitical power, reflecting the imperious traits once characteristic of ancient pagan Rome. The study concludes that even after the death of Pope Francis in April 2025, the newly elected pontiff has continued to place strong emphasis on the Vatican’s international and diplomatic activity.

This article examines the origins and main stages in the development of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Central Asia (CCBCA), its structure and composition, geographical representation, principal areas of activity, implemented projects, and interfaith dialogue. The CCBCA is a permanent collegial body of the Roman Catholic Church that unites all Catholic bishops of the region and coordinates their collective work. In this context, Central Asia refers to an extensive territory encompassing Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Mongolia. The author draws particular attention to the fact that, although Mongolia is geographically part of East Asia, the Apostolic Prefecture of Ulaanbaatar was included in the new Conference of Central Asia for ecclesiastical and administrative purposes. In addition, Azerbaijan has effectively joined the activities of the conference. Although the South Caucasus is not generally considered part of Central Asia, the Catholic Prefecture of Baku, by decision of the Holy See, also participates in CCBCA plenary sessions. This situation appears to stem both from the similarity of pastoral challenges in Azerbaijan (a Muslim-majority country with a small Catholic community) and the absence of a separate episcopal conference in the Caucasus. As a result, representatives of eight countries now participate in CCBCA meetings (six Central Asian states, together with Mongolia and Azerbaijan). Catholic communities in these countries are relatively small in number, widely dispersed across vast territories, and face similar challenges: a minimal Catholic presence in society, a shortage of clergy, the need to translate liturgical texts into local languages, engagement in dialogue with the Muslim majority, etc. Under these circumstances, the unification of bishops within the CCBCA has made it possible to consolidate resources and efforts and to formulate a shared strategy for evangelization and ecclesial service.

This article examines the establishment of Pope Francis’s leadership in the Global South through the proclamation of a new missionary orientation, known as the “concept of the peripheries”. The author analyzes two key dimensions of Vatican policy: the social and the ecclesial. Through missions among migrants, the poor, and prisoners, the pontiff not only expanded and cared for the Catholic flock but also consolidated his presence on the peripheries of the Global South. By means of ecumenical rhetoric, an emphasis on the importance of interfaith dialogue, and engagement with the ecological agenda, the Vatican succeeded in strengthening its diplomatic ties in countries where Catholics form a minority. The article concludes that Francis’s papacy shifted the political orientation of the Roman Catholic Church from the European West toward the Global South, and that turning to the peripheries enabled Francis to enhance his status as a geopolitical actor. It is further noted that the election of the new Pope Leo XIV undermines the stability of the Vatican’s “concept of the peripheries”.

This article examines the Holy See’s religious diplomacy in Kazakhstan in the twenty-first century and analyzes the Vatican’s evolving strategies of influence within the broader Eurasian context. The study focuses on how the Vatican advances its foreign policy objectives through the Roman Catholic Church in Kazakhstan’s religiously and culturally plural environment. The aim of the article is to identify the mechanisms and conditions through which the Vatican strengthens its presence and authority in the country. The relevance of this research arises from the growing prominence of religious actors in international relations and from Kazakhstan’s role as a platform for intercivilizational dialogue. The originality of the study lies in interpreting the Kazakhstani case as an example of an institutionalized partnership between a nation-state and a transnational religious organization.

Methodologically, the article draws on thematic and discourse analysis, a comparative approach, and an examination of official statements, documents, and materials related to papal visits, the activities of Catholic institutions, and interfaith forums. Particular attention is paid to the Vatican’s symbolic timing of papal visits in 2001 and 2022: each undertaken amid moments of global crisis.

The author concludes that the Vatican has pursued a consistent strategy aimed at deepening relations with Kazakhstan, viewing it as a key partner in Central Asia. This approach is reflected in the institutionalization of cooperation, the support of Catholic communities, participation in cultural and educational initiatives, and the religious legitimization of Kazakhstan as a “country of dialogue”. Papal visits serve not only as spiritual milestones but also as gestures of geopolitical significance. The findings underscore the increasing role of religion as an actor in international affairs and highlight Kazakhstan’s importance in global efforts to promote interfaith peace and cooperation.

This article offers a comprehensive analysis of diplomatic relations between the Holy Apostolic See and the Republic of Uzbekistan in the twenty-first century, as well as the Vatican’s religious activity in the country since the establishment of bilateral relations in 1992. Despite its long-standing presence and universalist agenda, the Vatican has achieved only limited success in consolidating its influence within this secular post-Soviet republic. The article identifies the main factors constraining the effectiveness and influence of Catholic diplomacy in Uzbekistan. According to the authors, these include the government’s strict regulation of religious life, which tightly controls the activities of religious organizations; the historically small and ethnically distinct Catholic community; and the dominant position of the Russian Orthodox Church within the non-Muslim religious landscape of Uzbekistan. At present, dialogue between the Vatican and the Government of Uzbekistan remains confined to technical-level contacts between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Apostolic Nunciature, with no high-level visits. The authors highlight the establishment of a minimal church infrastructure, the development of social outreach through religious orders and nonprofit organizations, and participation in interfaith dialogue as some of the Vatican’s modest achievements. The article concludes that, under existing constraints, the Vatican’s strategy in Uzbekistan has shifted from evangelization toward sustaining existing communities and employing legally permissible forms of “soft power”, such as cultural and charitable initiatives. This dynamic defines the prospects of bilateral relations as stable yet lacking potential for significant advancement. Due to the country’s secular political framework, the Holy See’s diplomacy in Uzbekistan remains largely confined to maintaining interreligious dialogue.

After the disintegration of the USSR, newly independent states, including the countries of Central Asia, found themselves in the spectrum of attention of non-regional powers. The Vatican, which is focused on achieving long-term objectives, also began to show interest in the Central Asian countries. One of the states that received increased attention from the Vatican was Tajikistan. This Central Asian country occupies an important geographical position. The interest of the Holy See in the mentioned country is based on political, cultural and religious factors. In particular, political factors have had a significant impact on the Vatican’s policy toward Tajikistan, as the country is of significant interest. At the same time, religious considerations also played a role. The Vatican views Tajikistan as an important component in the formation of a religious community in Central Asia. Using a systemic analysis, the article reviews the Vatican’s policy towards Tajikistan. The author examines the historical background of bilateral relations, which have been developing consistently over a long period of time. The stages of institutionalization of Catholic structures in Tajikistan are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the development of Tajik-Vatican relations in recent years. The research concludes that the Vatican expects to further expand its presence in this Central Asian country, using various mechanisms to promote its interests. The Vatican’s policy fits into a general trend among extra-regional actors interested in expanding their influence in Central Asian countries.

The article examines the strategy of the Holy See’s foreign policy presence through the case of the Catholic mission in Mongolia. The study spans a historical retrospective — from the diplomatic initiatives of the 13th century to the establishment of the Apostolic Prefecture in the early 21st century — and analyzes how international rivalry among major powers has influenced the region’s religious policy. Particular attention is given to Pope Francis’ apostolic visit in 2023, aimed at strengthening the Vatican’s moral authority and expanding its presence in Asia. The article demonstrates how the Roman Catholic Church adapts to Mongolia’s religious and cultural context by engaging in dialogue with the Buddhist majority and occupying key social niches. It also considers the specifics of Mongolia’s discourse on “civilizational security”, which emphasizes the preservation of Buddhist identity as a foundation of national unity. In this light, the Holy See’s activities take on a delicately balanced character, combining missionary, humanitarian, and diplomatic objectives. Within the broader framework of intercivilizational interaction, Mongolia is viewed as a symbolic space where religious institutions act as mediators of transnational communication. A significant portion of the article focuses on mechanisms of historical reinterpretation: the figure of Genghis Khan, the concept of “Pax Mongolica”, and the legacy of 13th-century diplomacy are employed by the Holy See to legitimize a universalist agenda — centred on justice, ecological sustainability, and interfaith harmony. The article concludes that Catholicism in Mongolia plays not only a religious role but also a diplomatic one, serving as a tool for promoting the Vatican’s global initiatives amid contemporary geopolitical competition.

This article examines the main stages in the formation and development of the Catholic Mission sui iuris in Afghanistan. It demonstrates that the establishment of the Catholic chapel was closely associated with the evolution of Afghan–Italian relations and the processes of technical modernization of the country during the reigns of Amanullah Khan and Zahir Shah in the 20th century. The article identifies and describes the key milestones in the construction of the buildings of the Italian Embassy and the Catholic chapel in Kabul and reconstructs the activities of chaplains from the Barnabites order, who were entrusted with the mission in Afghanistan beginning in 1933. The article shows that the Catholic mission suspended its work during the pro-Soviet regime of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan government (1979–1989), the first Taliban regime (1996–2001), and again after August 15, 2021, yet was never formally expelled from the country. The author concludes that the activities of the Catholic mission were confined to charitable and humanitarian work among the Afghan population. The chaplains carried out their spiritual and pastoral duties primarily among foreign Catholics, while all forms of proselytism were prohibited from the very foundation of the mission.

This article analyzes the history, institutional development, and prospects of diplomatic cooperation between the Holy See and Kyrgyzstan within the broader context of religious and geopolitical transformation in the region following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The relevance of the study is determined by the complex religious landscape of Kyrgyzstan, the growing influence of external actors, and the need to assess the role of the Catholic Church as a global institution engaged in interreligious and intercultural dialogue. The novelty of the research lies in its comprehensive examination of the historical legacy of Christianity in Kyrgyzstan, the current state of the country’s Catholic communities, and the diplomatic and humanitarian activities of the Vatican.

The study employs a historical and analytical method grounded in archival materials, statistical data, and analysis of religious and political dynamics. It offers an overview of the historical development of Christianity in Kyrgyzstan, the stages of institutionalization of the Catholic Church during the post-Soviet period, and contemporary diplomatic initiatives of the Holy See, including the establishment of bilateral cooperation.

The authors conclude that, despite the small size of the Catholic community, the Holy See plays an important role as a factor of stability, interreligious dialogue, and humanitarian cooperation. The Vatican demonstrates an ability to adapt to regional challenges through its strategy of dialogue, the development of diplomacy, and implementation of social projects. The future of Catholicism in Kyrgyzstan will depend on political will, interfaith engagement, and the Church’s capacity to balance its spiritual mission with geopolitical and regional realities.

The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of religious institutions in promoting sociopolitical stability and cultural diversity across the Eurasian space. This research also enhances knowledge of religious diplomacy and interconfessional cooperation amid the ongoing transformations of the post-Soviet region.